We can best understand how wrong the government is in Raich if we take a brief look at first principles, and then observe how our first Congress applied those first principles.
Congress' enumerated powers did not include a police power.
It is axiomatic that Congress is limited to enumerated powers.
M’Culloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat) 316 (1819). The Federalist
No. 45, p. 292-293 (C. Rossiter ed. 1961) ("The powers delegated by the
proposed Constitution to the federal government are few and defined.
Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and
indefinite.”) By definition, to enumerate some things is to exclude
others. The Founders listed – and therefore limited – Congress’ power
to define and punish crimes. Art. I, § 8, Cl. 6 (counterfeiting U.S.
currency); Art. I, § 8, Cl. 10 (piracies and felonies committed on the
high seas); Art. III, § 3, Cl. 2 (treason). In each of these areas,
Congress has a substantial and legitimate interest since only it may
coin money; the high seas are of national import; and one can commit
treason only against his country, not his state.
The first Congress recognized constitutionally imposed limitations on its powers.
The first Congress was mindful of enumerated powers and thus enacted
only a few federal criminal offenses, mostly dealing with offenses
involving felonies on the high seas, crimes committing on or against
federal property, and conduct obstructing justice in federal cases. See "An Act for the
Punishment of certain Crimes against the United States." 1 Stat 112
(1790). A close reading of the first federal crimes is telling.
Sections 1 & 2 punish treason against the United States. Id. at
112. Sections 3 & 7 do not punish the state crimes of murder or
manslauther. Rather, it only criminalizes murders committed in "any
place *** under the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the United
States," id. at 113, and Section 5 punishes the theft from the federal government the body of
an executed criminal. Id. Section 6 imposes an affirmative duty on a
witness to certain listed crimes against the United States to relay his
knowledge to the police. Id. Section 7 covers arson, but again, only
against a building "under the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the
United States." Id (emphasis added). Section 9-13 define and punish crimes on the high
seas and rivers. Id. at 114-115. Section 14 criminalizes
counterfeiting. Id. at 115. Section 15 punishes acts affecting an
official paper of a federal court. Id. at 115-116. Sections 16
& 17 punish theft-related acts occurring on any place under the
"sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the United States." Id. at 116.
Sections 18-20 cover perjury committed in federal court. Id. at
116-117. Section 21 covers bribes against federal officials. Id. at
117. Section 22 criminalizes resisting arrest, but only where a federal
official is the arresting officer. Id. Finally, Section 28 punishes
violence against persons under the protection of the United States.
Id. at 118.
The first criminal code teaches us that Congress may criminalize
conduct in only two discreet circumstances. First, Congress may criminalize conduct pursuant to a textual grant of power over criminal acts, e.g.,
Art. I, § 8, Cl. 6; Art. I, § 8, Cl. 10; Art. III, § 3, Cl. 2, above. Second,
Congress may criminalize conduct where the conduct occurs in a place
within the exclusive domain or control of the federal government. Thus, Congress was careful to cover acts committed only in places under the sole and exclusive jurisdiction of the
United States. Indeed, the second source of power is implied, since a state would lack
authority to punish acts against the United States, e.g., a state could
not criminalize theft of mail.
The non-commercial use of privately-grown medical marijuana does not
fall under either of those two circumstances. Indeed, though the first
criminal code teaches us much about federal power, it also teaches us about
proportion.
Congress initially punished only serious crimes like rape, robbery, and
murder. Here, the federal government wants to punish a woman for
self-medicating. Not only is the the federal government's attempt
unconstitutional, it's also uncommonly silly.
We Americans face threats from domestic and international terrorism.
Should our government's scare resources go towards fighting real
dangers like the potential for biological terror on our homeland, or should Congress slay paper tigers, or is Ms. Raich's cases,
paper angels?
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